NSFW
Razor nicely summarizes my raw thoughts on the current bills, but it is filled with colorful language. Play with discretion.
Here is the crux of it though folks, Red Flag law, passage or failure, is about banking political leverage for an otherwise disastrous looking midterm.
The two proposals with actual teeth to move the needle on school safety and child wellbeing are the funding bills, red flags, mag bans, 80% bans, and so forth are entirely valueless in a society with 3D printing, hardware stores, and a healthy distrust of the ineptitude of government.
So tell them to vote no, and then vote them out when the clock strikes voting day in November. Put their records to task and clean house. 2022’s violence is being leveraged, successfully, because the parties that want to bank the capital rolled a “lucky” full house on two back to back exploitable incidents, while quietly letting the others get only enough attention to be counted in the tally of ‘mass shootings’ in the nation.
Mass shooting and mass killing are purposefully correlated to confuse you, remember that. A mass shooting means 4+ deaths or injuries at an incident, which will include the just about any public and many private settings. Where a mass killing equates to 4+ deaths, and a public mass killing is one in a public or semi-public space devoid of any other felonious motive. IE: A bank robbery where four people inside the bank are shot and killed in the robbery, is a ‘mass shooting’ and a ‘mass killing’ but will be reported as a fatal robbery because there was a felonious motivation separate from the killings.
I saw a comment flippantly and sarcastically stating, “Because gang bangers commit so many mass shootings…”
Yes. They do.
Between 1980 and 2005 the percentage of associated felonious actions that also resulted in a homicide went from 55% of all murders to 77% of murders. Associated criminal activity is the norm for homicides. The super majority in fact.
Do these circumstances support strong efficacy implementing Red Flag laws? Magazine bans? 80% bans? Or do they suggest criminal justice reform, prosecutorial priorities, and bail/parole restructuring? Which is it? Where do we move our efforts to actually move the needle on homicides?
The answer remains, more so than ever, in the criminal justice circuit and in who we lock up, for how long, and why we do so.
We can start by firing people come midterms.
